WASHINGTON, August 26
WASHINGTON, August 26, 2021âThe Federal Communications Commission today approved an initial set of 62 applications for funding commitments totaling $41.98 million for Round 2 of its COVID-19 Telehealth Program. Health care providers in each state, territory, and the District of Columbia, including those previously unfunded in Round 1, will use this funding to provide telehealth services during the coronavirus pandemic. The FCCâs COVID19 Telehealth Program supports the efforts of health care providers to continue serving their patients by providing reimbursement for telecommunications services, information services, and connected devices necessary to enable telehealth during the COVID-19 pandemic. MORE
WASHINGTON, August 26, 2021âThe Federal Communications Commission today approved an initial set of 62 applications for funding commitments totaling $41.98 million for Round 2 of its COVID-19 Telehealth Program. Health care providers in each state, territory, and the District of Columbia, including those previously unfunded in Round 1, will use this funding to provide telehealth services during the coronavirus pandemic. The FCCâs COVID19 Telehealth Program supports the efforts of health care providers to continue serving their patients by providing reimbursement for telecommunications services, information services, and connected devices necessary to enable telehealth during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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HHS is not budging on its initial provider relief financial reporting deadline despite advocatesâ mounting pressure for a delay, reminding relief recipients in two 15-minute stakeholder calls Thursday (Aug. 26) that they have 35 days to submit how they used COVID-19 relief to cover lost revenue and increased costs due to the pandemic.
The departmentâs stakeholder calls for provider relief recipients came shortly after group medical practices sent HHS a letter asking it to extend the financial reporting deadline until 2023. The Medical Group Management Association is worried the reporting requirements are so complex and arduous that some providers dealing with a resurgence in COVID-19 cases might not be able to meet the initial reporting deadline of Sept. 30. One attendee echoed this concern.
âNothing like a 4th surge to work through while figuring this out,â the stakeholder wrote in a chat alongside the call.
The American Hospital Association and some lawmakers are also pushing for extensions but are mostly focusing on the spending deadlines.
HHSâ June guidance created four payment periods that give provider relief recipients one year to spend all their funds. This means providers who received $10,000 or more in relief before June 30, 2020 have a hard deadline of Sept. 30 to report how they used their relief over the past year. They will have until Oct. 30 to return the unspent funds to HHS.
But Health Resources and Services Administration staff who ran the brief stakeholder calls Thursday said many providers have yet to sign up for the reporting portal, which is needed to submit their financial report.
âHRSA is remaining committed to supporting all providers with reporting,â HRSA staff said on the call. âWe understand that itâs stressful, and for this reason, we continue collecting feedback to inform the development of new resources, so I’m super excited to share today three new resources that we recently came out with that can help your members with different aspects of the reporting process.â
HRSAâs new resources condense information from previous guidance and frequently asked questions into a few pages. They focus on lost revenue calculations, general financial reporting and using provider relief for personnel recruitment and retention.
Richard Kes, health care industry senior analyst at the audit, tax and consulting firm RSM, says these new resources donât explain anything new, but show how HRSA is trying to make sure providers understand the requirements.
âI think the big takeaway is — maybe this is me being overly optimistic — is they are trying to make things easy, trying to put all the documentation all the requirements in one place, you know, like that one pager that they put together, you know, it’s a really well-organized document with all the hyperlinks of where you need to go,â Kes said, adding these are things his clients typically ask him for.
But Kes and other accountants like Fred Fisher, vice president of service development for Toyon Associates, Inc., are still waiting for clarification from HRSA. One area of confusion is how to calculate lost revenues for 2021 when the providersâ budgets must have been set before March 2020 in order to show that revenue was lost during the pandemic. Most budgets typically cover only a year, so unless providers passed a two-year budget, this limits how they can justify the use of COVID-19 relief in 2021.
Fisher is also hoping HRSA will clarify how providers can report total marginal cost increases for treating a patient and what counts as patient care revenue.
The next provider relief spending deadline is Dec. 31 for providers who received relief between July 1, 2020 to Dec. 31, 2020. –
This year, the federal government ordered hospitals to begin publishing a prized secret: a complete list of the prices they negotiate with private insurers.
The insurersâ trade association had called the rule unconstitutional and said it would âundermine competitive negotiations.â Four hospital associations jointly sued the government to block it, and appealed when they lost.
They lost again, and seven months later, many hospitals are simply ignoring the requirement and posting nothing.
But data from the hospitals that have complied hints at why the powerful industries wanted this information to remain hidden.
It shows hospitals are charging patients wildly different amounts for the same basic services: procedures as simple as an X-ray or a pregnancy test.
And it provides numerous examples of major health insurers â some of the worldâs largest companies, with billions in annual profits â negotiating surprisingly unfavorable rates for their customers. In many cases, insured patients are getting prices that are higher than they would if they pretended to have no coverage at all.
Until now, consumers had no way to know before they got the bill what prices they and their insurers would be paying. Some insurance companies have refused to provide the information when asked by patients and the employers that hired the companies to provide coverage.
This secrecy has allowed hospitals to tell patients that they are getting âsteepâ discounts, while still charging them many times what a public program like Medicare is willing to pay.
And it has left insurers with little incentive to negotiate well.
The peculiar economics of health insurance also help keep prices high.
Customers judge insurance plans based on whether their preferred doctors and hospitals are covered, making it hard for an insurer to walk away from a bad deal. The insurer also may not have a strong motivation to, given that the more that is spent on care, the more an insurance company can earn.
Federal regulations limit insurersâ profits to a percentage of the amount they spend on care. And in some plans involving large employers, insurers are not even using their own money. The employers pay the medical bills, and give insurers a cut of the costs in exchange for administering the plan.
A growing number of patients have reason to care when their insurer negotiates a bad deal. More Americans than ever are enrolled in high-deductible plans that leave them responsible for thousands of dollars in costs before coverage kicks in.
Patients often struggle to afford those bills. Sixteen percent of insured families currently have medical debt, with a median amount of $2,000.
Even when workers reach their deductible, they may have to pay a percentage of the cost. And in the long run, the high prices trickle down in the form of higher premiums, which across the nation are rising every year.
Insurers and hospitals say that looking at a handful of services doesnât provide a full picture of their negotiations, and that the published data files donât account for important aspects of their contracts, like bonuses for providing high-quality care.
âThese rate sheets are not helpful to anyone,â said Molly Smith, vice president for public policy at the American Hospital Association. âItâs really hard to say that when a lot of hospitals are putting in a lot of effort to comply with the rule, but I would set them aside and avoid them.â
The trade association for insurers said it was âan anomalyâ that some insured patients got worse prices than those paying cash.
âInsurers want to make sure they are negotiating the best deals they can for their members, to make sure their products have competitive premiums,â said Matt Eyles, chief executive of Americaâs Health Insurance Plans.
The five largest insurers â Aetna, Cigna, Humana, United and the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association â all declined requests for on-the-record interviews. Cigna, Humana and Blue Cross provided statements that said they support price transparency.
The requirement to publish prices is a rare bipartisan effort: a Trump-era initiative that the Biden administration supports. But the data has been difficult to draw meaning from, especially for consumers.
The New York Times partnered with two University of Maryland-Baltimore County researchers, Morgan Henderson and Morgane Mouslim, to turn the files into a database that showed how much basic medical care costs at 60 major hospitals.
The data doesnât yet show any insurer always getting the best or worst prices. Small health plans with seemingly little leverage are sometimes out-negotiating the five insurers that dominate the U.S. market. And a single insurer can have a half-dozen different prices within the same facility, based on which plan was chosen at open enrollment, and whether it was bought as an individual or through work.
But the disclosures already upend the basic math that employers and customers have been using when they try to get a good deal.
People carefully weighing two plans â choosing a higher monthly cost or a larger deductible â have no idea that they may also be picking a much worse price when they later need care.
Even for simple procedures, the difference can be thousands of dollars, enough to erase any potential savings.
Itâs not as if employers can share that information at open enrollment: They generally donât know either.
âItâs not just individual patients who are in the dark,â said Martin Gaynor, a Carnegie Mellon economist who studies health pricing. âEmployers are in the dark. Governments are in the dark. Itâs just astonishing how deeply ignorant we are about these prices.âA vital drug, a secret price
Take the problem Caroline Eichelberger faced after a stray dog bit her son Nathan at a Utah campsite last July.
Nathanâs pediatrician examined the wound and found it wasnât serious. But within a week, Nathan needed a shot to prevent rabies that was available only in emergency rooms.
Ms. Eichelberger took Nathan to Layton Hospital in Layton, Utah, near her house. It hasnât published price data for an emergency rabies vaccine, but the largest hospital in the same health system, Intermountain Medical Center, has.
Nathan, then 7 years old, received a childâs dose of two drugs to prevent rabies. The bill also included two drug administration fees and a charge for using the emergency room.
Intermountain owns a regional insurer called SelectHealth. It is currently paying the lowest price for those services: $1,284.
In the same emergency room, Regence BlueCross BlueShield pays $3,457.
Ms. Eichelbergerâs insurer, Cigna, pays the most: $4,198.
For patients who pay cash, the charge is $3,704. Half of the insurers at Intermountain are paying rates higher than the âcash priceâ paid by people who either donât have or arenât using insurance.
This pattern occurs at other hospitals, sometimes with more drastic consequences for adults, who require a higher dosage.
Prices were still secret when Brian Daugherty went to an emergency room near Orlando, Fla., for a rabies shot after a cat bite last summer.
âI tried to get some pricing information, but they made it seem like such a rare thing they couldnât figure out for me,â he said.
He went to AdventHealth Orlando because it was close to his house. That was an expensive decision: It has the highest price for rabies shots among 24 hospitals that included the service in their newly released data sets.
The price there for an adult dose of the drug that prevents rabies varies from $16,953 to $37,214 â not including the emergency-room fee that typically goes with it.
Mr. Daughertyâs total bill was $18,357. After his insurerâs contribution, he owed $6,351.
âIt was a total shock when I saw they wanted me to pay that much,â said Mr. Daugherty, who ultimately negotiated the bill down to $1,692.
In a statement, AdventHealth said it was working to make âconsumer charges more consistent and predictable.â
If Mr. Daugherty had driven two hours to the University of Floridaâs flagship hospital, the total price â between him and his insurer â would have been about half as much.
Similar disparities show up across all sorts of basic care.
One way to look at the costs is to compare them with rates paid by Medicare, the government program that covers older people. In general, Medicare covers 87 percent of the cost of care, according to hospital association estimates.
At multiple hospitals, major health plans pay more than four times the Medicare rate for a routine colonoscopy. And for an M.R.I. scan, some are paying more than 10 times what the federal government is willing to pay.
Health economists think of insurers as essentially buying in bulk, using their large membership to get better deals. Some were startled to see numerous instances in which insurers pay more than the cash rate.
Whether those cash rates are available to insured patients varies from hospital to hospital, and even when they are, those payments wouldnât count toward a patientâs deductible. But the fact that insurers are paying more than them raises questions about how well theyâre negotiating, experts said.
âThe worrying thing is that the third party youâre paying to negotiate on your behalf isnât doing as well as you would on your own,â said Zack Cooper, an economist at Yale who studies health care pricing.âThey donât want their secrets out thereâ
Employers are the largest purchasers of health insurance and would benefit the most from lower prices. But most select plans without knowing what they and their workers will pay.
To find out what the prices are, they would need to solicit bids for a new plan, which can frustrate employees who donât want to switch providers.
It also requires the employers to hire lawyers and consultants, at a cost of about $50,000, estimated Nathan Cooper, who manages health benefits for a union chapter that represents Colorado sheet metal and air-conditioning workers.
âIf you want the prices, you have to spend to get them,â he said.
Employers who do sometimes come up empty-handed.
Larimer County, in Colorado, covers 3,500 workers and their families in its health plan. In 2018, county officials asked their insurer to share its negotiated rates. It refused.
âWe pushed the issue all the way to the C.E.O. level,â said Jennifer Whitener, the countyâs human resources director. âThey said it was confidential.â
Ms. Whitener, who previously managed employer insurance contracts for a major health insurer, decided to rebid the contract. She put out a request for new proposals that included a question about insurersâ rates at local hospitals.
A half dozen insurers placed bids on the contract. All but one skipped the question entirely.
âThey donât want their secrets out there,â Ms. Whitener said. âThey want to be able to tout that theyâve got the best deal in town, even if they donât.â
Hospitals and insurers can also hide behind the contracts theyâve signed, which often prohibit them from revealing their rates.
âWe had gag orders in all our contracts,â said Richard Stephenson, who worked for the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association from 2006 until 2017 and now runs a medical price transparency start-up, Redu Health. (The association says those clauses have become less common.)
Mr. Stephenson oversaw a team that made sure the gag orders were being followed. He said he thought insurers were âscared to deathâ that if the data came out, angry hospitals or doctors might leave their networks.Warnings, but no fines
Ms. Eichelbergerâs plan had a $3,500 deductible, so she worked hard to find the best price for her sonâs care.
But neither the hospitals she called nor her insurer would give her answers.
She made her decision based on the little information she could get: a hospital, Layton, that said it would charge her $787 if she paid cash. The price for paying with insurance wouldnât be available for another week or two, she was told.
But even the cash price didnât turn out to be right: A few weeks after the visit, the hospital billed her an additional $2,260.
It turns out that the original estimate left out a drug her son would need.
âIt was the most convoluted, useless process,â said Ms. Eichelberger, who was able to get the bill waived after five months of negotiations with the hospital.
Daron Cowley, a spokesman for Laytonâs health system, Intermountain, said Ms. Eichelberger received the additional bill because âa new employee provided incomplete information with a price estimate that was not accurate.â
The health system declined to comment on prices at its hospitals, saying its contracts with insurers forbid discussing negotiations.
Itâs not clear how much better the Eichelbergers would do today.
The new price data is often published in hard-to-use formats designed for data scientists and professional researchers. Many are larger than the full text of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.
And most hospitals havenât posted all of it. The potential penalty from the federal government is minimal, with a maximum of $109,500 per year. Big hospitals make tens of thousands of times as much as that; N.Y.U. Langone, a system of five inpatient hospitals that have not complied, reported $5 billion in revenue in 2019, according to its tax forms.
As of July, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services had sent nearly 170 warning letters to noncompliant hospitals but had not yet levied any fines.
Catherine Howden, a spokeswoman for the agency, said it expected âhospitals to comply with these legal requirements, and will enforce these rules.â
She added that hospitals that do not post prices within 90 days of a warning letter âmay be sent a second warning letter.â
The agency plans to increase the fines next year to as much as $2 million annually for large hospitals, it announced in July.
The hospital that treated Ms. Eichelbergerâs son has begun posting some information. But it has spread its prices across 269 web pages. To look for rabies, you have to check them all. It isnât there.
The White House is aggressively touting the political benefits of President Joe Bidenâs plan to lower the cost of prescription drug prices, setting up the issue as a likely focal point of Congressâ budget debate when the House returns this week.
In private conversations with lawmakers, administration officials have emphasized the popularity of the proposal to allow Medicare to negotiate prescription drug prices. Recent polling shows strong support among voting blocs that Democrats need to win to have any hope of surviving the 2022 midterm elections with their majorities intact.
The administration is also hoping that the provision will help solidify the Democratic votes they need to pass the roughly $3.5 trillion spending plan via the budget reconciliation process, which will require near-unanimous Democratic support in the House, and all 50 senators in the Democratic caucus. The drug pricing proposal, along with other elements of the reconciliation package that help care and service workers, will be felt more immediately than the presidentâs infrastructure package, White House officials have told lawmakers.
As Republicans wage a culture war over mask mandates and critical race theory, and as some attempt to scare voters about refugees coming from Afghanistan, Democrats are betting on social spending plans to keep a hold on the tenuous coalition that Biden formed last year. In particular, the White House views the prescription drug provision as an effective counter to Republican attempts to tie Bidenâs economic agenda to inflation, blaming the president for the rising cost of gas, used cars and other household items.
Negotiating the cost of prescription drugs âis by far one of the most popular elements in the package,â said Celinda Lake, a pollster on Bidenâs presidential campaign. â[And] it is a policy that brings in seniors, who have been more skeptical about some of the other aspects of the package.â
âA senior, for example, is going to be a lot more worried about what they are paying for their prescription drugs than they are about what Dr. Seuss books their granddaughterâs reading in kindergarten,â she added.
In recent weeks, Biden has heavily focused on the proposal when explaining his larger economic plans that are expected to pass through reconciliation, which only requires a simple-majority vote.
âOne in four Americans who take prescription drugs struggle to afford them,â Biden said. âWe’re going to help millions of Americans save money and ease their burdens by lowering the cost of prescription drugs.â
The White House and Democrats also plan to hammer Republicans who oppose the proposal as being on the side of big pharmaceutical companies that overcharge Americans. And organizations such as the AARP are joining the push. In a June survey of 1,605 registered voters ages 50 and older, the group found that 87 percent supported allowing Medicare to negotiate with drug companies for lower prices, including 80 percent of Black voters and 77 percent of Hispanic participants.
John Hishta, AARPâs senior vice president of campaigns, said staffers for the group, which represents tens of millions of retirees, are talking to lawmakers and leadership in the White House nearly every day. Passing the provision allowing Medicare to negotiate drug costs is a âtop priorityâ said Hishta and âwe’re gonna pull out all the stops to try to make it happen.â
As the House prepares to vote on the budget resolution that will include the drug price measure, the White House has ramped up outreach to members at the behest of Democratic leadership, amid concerns they donât yet have the necessary votes. In the House, a group of moderate Democrats are threatening to derail the resolution, arguing the House should first vote on the $1 trillion infrastructure bill the Senate already passed. Separately, a number of centrists in the party are wary of voting to allow Medicare to negotiate prices, arguing it would hamper pharmaceutical companies’ ability to innovate.
Rep. Susan Wild (D-Pa.) said that position is misguided and has offered to talk to skeptical Democrats if party leadership requests it. âWe really, really need to wake up â and I’m talking about my caucus right now â and understand that this has huge bipartisan appeal,â Wild said of the effort to lower prescription drug prices. âIf necessary, we need to segregate this issue and push it out there because it is a winning issue.â
Wild said the issue she hears about the most from her constituents is the price of insulin. âWhen you’ve got something as important as this in the reconciliation package you need to really think long and hard before you vote no on that,â Wild said.
In a memo released Friday, Lakeâs polling firm found that 87 percent of voters over the age of 65 favored allowing Medicare to negotiate with prescription drug corporations to lower prices. The survey conducted in mid-June among 800 voters over the age of 65, also found that seniors would cross party lines âpresenting both an opportunity for Democratic candidates who favor this proposal to win over voters as well as a threat that could erode their base of support if they oppose it,â the memo states.
Asked if a Democratic candidate supported the proposal, 51 percent of seniors were more likely to vote for them, including 78 percent of Democrats, 35 percent of independents and 31 percent of Republicans.
Lake warned, however, that Democrats need to better outline the proposal within Democratsâ reconciliation package, noting that to date âalmost half the publicâ still doesnât know whatâs in Bidenâs $1 trillion infrastructure package, which passed the Senate earlier this month. âAnd the reconciliation package they know even less about.â
As OSHA considers requirements for a permanent Covid-19 standard, groups representing employers and workers agree the standard must be flexible enough to adopt changing medical recommendations.
âThroughout Covid-19, a lack of uniform guidance has led to confusion and apprehension on behalf of providers and facilities as they work to comply with rapidly changing standards and regulations,â Jon Fanning, chief executive officer of the American Association of Nurse Practitioners, said in a letter to the U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration during its open comment period that ends at midnight Aug. 20.
From an employer perspective, itâs important to allow OSHA regulations to keep pace with federal health-care recommendations, Janis Orlowski, chief health care officer for the Association of American Medical Colleges, told the agency in a letter for the association.
âWe believe that putting these requirements into regulation instead of guidance will make it more difficult for OSHA to have the flexibility to adapt quickly to changes,â Orlowski said.
The comments were among the hundreds sent to the agency as it considers whether changes will be made to the Covid-19 emergency temporary standard that covers only health-care workers and what will be included in a permanent standard due by late December.
The agency isnât discussing its timetable for a permanent standard or how it would differ from the temporary standard.
âOSHA will review the comments carefully,â said U.S. Department of Labor spokesperson Denisha Braxton. âOur priority is the safety and health of workers, and the agency will continue to assess its next steps in light of the evolving situation.â
OSHA adopted its Covid-19 emergency temporary standard on June 21 without going through the public review and comment period required for permanent rules. Before its release, the temporary standard was the subject of more than 40 meetings between interest groups, OSHA, and the White Houseâs Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.
One example of Covid-19âs evolving medical guidance OSHA needs to keep pace with is describing precisely what it means to be âfully vaccinated.â
The OSHA emergency standard defines fully vaccinated as âtwo weeks or more following the final dose of a Covid-19 vaccine.â
With booster shots being urged by the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the definition of âfully vaccinatedâ will need to include booster shots, Debbie Hatmaker, chief nursing officer for the American Nurses Association, told OSHA.
State hospital associations have concerns with existing differences between the OSHA temporary standard and guidance issued by the CDC and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.
âWe are concerned that the OSHA guidance contradicts CDC guidance that healthcare providers have already been observing, such as requirements for the use of respirators, physical distancing barriers, screening of asymptomatic healthcare personnel, and contact tracing,â Tim Rave, president of the South Dakota Association of Healthcare Organizations, said in submitted remarks.
Small clinics and nursing homes criticized the OSHA mandate that employers pay workers up to $1,400 a week if the workers canât do their job because of isolation or quarantine restrictions, arguing it would strain their budgets.
âThe requirements to pay staff for missed work when they have chosen to refuse a Covid-19 vaccination is misguided,â wrote Steven Buck, president of Care Providers Oklahoma, a nursing home trade association, said in comments to the agency. âExcept for those with a valid contraindication for the vaccine, individuals who refuse a vaccination should be required to exhaust paid-time off and sick leave instead of being compensated by the employer.â
Workers groups urged OSHA to go beyond CDC guidance.
The American Nurses Association called on the safety agency to toughen the rule by requiring employers to have mandatory vaccination programs with some exceptions granted.
The nurses group also called for more stringent requirements for employees to stock N95 respirators. OSHA must make it clear âjust-in timeâ delivery of personal protection equipment to hospitals isnât acceptable, the association said.
Unions with members outside of health care want OSHA to enact a permanent rule that covers all workers and sued the agency in federal court to force the change. Currently workplaces not under the standard are asked to follow OSHA guidance, however no rule mandates they do so.
To treat Covid-19 as a hazard that only warrants guidance rather than regulation âfalls short in keeping out members safe on the job,â John âScottyâ MacNeil, national safety director for the Utility Workers of America, told OSHA.
To contact the reporter on this story: Bruce Rolfsen in Washington at BRolfsen@bloomberglaw.com
To contact the editors responsible for this story
The Biden administration will require nursing home workers to get vaccinated against the coronavirus, and thereâs a possibility hospital staffers could be next.
The reasoning is clear: Medical workers should be protected from passing the virus to the most vulnerable Americans â particularly as the delta variant refuels the pandemic. And the nation’s largest network of nursing homes has already instituted its own vaccine requirement for staff.
Yet the major nursing home associations are pushing back, saying they shouldn’t be singled out and raising concerns about worsening staff shortages over the mandate.
The administration said yesterday it will develop rules requiring nursing homes to mandate that all of their workers be vaccinated as a condition for those facilities to receive federal funds, The Postâs Tyler Pager and Annie Linskey report.
HHS, which is developing the new regulations, will enforce them with the threat of withholding Medicare and Medicaid dollars â the major source of funding for more than 15,000 nursing home facilities, which employ roughly 1.3 million workers.
Larry Levitt, senior vice president at the Kaiser Family Foundation, noted it’s not the first time the government has taken this tactic:
âIf you visit, live or work in a nursing home, you should not be at a high risk of contracting covid from unvaccinated employees,â Biden said.
As my colleagues previously noted, the effort âis part of a far more muscular approach by the Biden administration to increase vaccinations amid spiking cases due to the highly contagious delta variant.â Indeed, coronavirus cases have shot up in parts of the country in recent weeks, while deaths â albeit rising more slowly â are back to levels seen in May, about 620 per day.
Ninety-four percent of nursing homes surveyed by AHCA said they are experiencing a staffing shortage. Hospitals are experiencing nursing shortages â and lately those have been particularly apparent in areas where the coronavirus is especially surging, as our colleague Amy Goldstein recently reported.
âThey’ve got PPE and other supplies,â Chip Kahn, president of the Federation of American Hospitals, told me. âThe big problem is staffing, and so the question is: does this get in the way of staffing?â
Earlier in the summer, more than 150 health-care workers were fired or resigned from the Houston Methodist hospital system for refusing to comply with its vaccination requirement. New Jerseyâs largest hospital system fired a half-dozen workers who also refused to get vaccinated.
Nursing homes are starting to shift in the direction of mandates, too. A few weeks ago, Genesis Healthcare told workers they need to get the shots in order to keep their jobs. The decision was a major shift for the industry, given that Genesis has 400,000 employees in nearly 400 nursing homes and senior communities.
Of course, these examples donât prove that a federal vaccine requirement would lead to widespread hospital staff losses. The Associated Press recently interviewed operators of 10 smaller nursing homes, who said that fears of a massive staff exodus seem to be overblown. But itâs a fair question to ask, considering long-standing concerns in the United States over lacking enough medical workers as the population ages.
One might guess they would be more willing than the general public to get the shots, but that doesnât seem to be the case, especially when it comes to lower-wage workers such as medical aides and assistants.
Medscape Medical News found 1 in 4 hospital workers who have direct patient contact hadnât received a single coronavirus vaccine dose by the end of May, when it analyzed government data from 2,500 hospitals around the country.
In a March poll conducted by The Post and the Kaiser Family Foundation, 30 percent of front-line medical workers said they either wouldnât get a vaccine or hadnât yet decided whether to get one. The poll found vaccination rates were higher among doctors and nurses compared with those who perform administrative duties or assist with patient care.
And hundreds of thousands of nursing home workers still arenât vaccinated. Only about 62 percent of nursing home staff members in the United States were vaccinated as of Aug. 8, ranging at the state level from a low of 44 percent to a high of 88 percent, according to data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.Â
Yesterdayâs new vaccination requirement doesnât include hospitals, but health-care lobbyists said the administration has been toying with the idea of extending similar requirements to them. A CMS spokeswoman declined to comment on the matter.
Many hospitals have decided on their own to press forward on vaccine mandates. About one-third of hospitals have announced mandatory vaccination policies for their workers so far, a spokesman for the American Hospital Association told me. When asked for a response to the nursing home requirements, AHA emphasized its support for hospitals making their own decisions.
âThe AHA supports hospitals and health systems that choose, based on local factors, to mandate covid-19 vaccines for their workforce,â the statement said.
The 2022 budget resolution is an inflection point for our nation and the futures of millions of Americans and their families. The resolution and its reconciliation instructions provide Congress with a path forward to deliver President Bidenâs and Congressional Democratsâ shared plan to Build Back Better. This budget serves as a clear declaration of Democratsâ commitment to ensuring that our government, our economy, and our systems work For The People.
The budget reconciliation process first requires Congress to pass a budget resolution that includes instructions to committees of jurisdiction. The 2022 budget resolution provides reconciliation instructions to 13 House and 12 Senate committees to support visionary and transformative investments in the health, well-being, and financial security of Americaâs workers and families. These long-overdue investments in Americaâs future will be felt in every corner of the country and across every sector of American life. This budget will build on the success of the American Rescue Plan, accommodate historic infrastructure investments in the legislative pipeline, and address longstanding deficits in our communities by ending an era of chronic underinvestment so we can emerge from our current crises a stronger, more equitable nation.
Over the past year and a half, America has faced a series of crises. The coronavirus pandemic infected tens of millions of Americans and took the lives of more than half a million loved ones, devastating families and communities. The corresponding economic crisis led to a record loss of more than 22 million jobs, skyrocketing unemployment insurance claims, and a historic decline in growth. The climate crisis is displacing families, upending local economies, and endangering our national security as climate disasters worsen. And our nation is reckoning with our racial justice crisis, as the effects of systemic racism and underlying inequities are being exposed and brought to the forefront of our nationâs conscience. These crises have taken a grave toll on our communities and exacerbated structural flaws in our economy and society that must be fixed.
In response to the pandemic and the immediate health and economic concerns, Congress passed the American Rescue Plan in March 2021. This bill provided the bold, compassionate, and aggressive action and supports needed to change the course of our country. It delivered lifeline resources to get vaccines into arms, safely reopen schools, help Americans return to work and provide shelter and food for their families, and keep vital public services up and running in communities across the country.
But the American Rescue Plan was a targeted response to the immediate and urgent public health and economic crises; it was not a long-term solution to many of the pressing challenges facing our nation. Decades of disinvestment in our nation and its people have resulted in serious deficits in our society, spanning across nearly every sector. We can no longer afford the costs of neglect and inaction â the time to act is now.
The Build Back Better Plan makes the transformative investments that we need to continue growing our economy, lower costs for working families, and position the United States as a global leader in innovation and the jobs of the future. This $3.5 trillion gross investment will build on the successes of the American Rescue Plan and set our nation on a path of fiscal responsibility and broadly shared prosperity for generations to come. These pro-growth investments will lower costs for families, create good-paying jobs, and cut taxes for hard-working Americans. The Build Back Better Plan will provide resources to improve our education, health, and child care systems, invest in clean energy and sustainability, address the housing crisis, and more; all while setting America up to compete and win in the decades ahead. This Plan will be paid for by ensuring that the wealthy and big corporations are paying their fair share. Americans making less than $400,000 a year will not see their taxes increase by a penny. These investments will expand opportunity for all and build an economy powered by shared prosperity and inclusive growth.
The Build Back Better Plan meets the immediate and long-term needs of the American people while addressing glaring gaps in our economy and society with investments in crucial priorities, including:
Child CareâOur nation is strongest when everyone can join the workforce and contribute to the economy. However, many Americans â especially women â are often forced to choose between working to support their family or caring for their family. Therefore, this Plan supports families in need of child care by providing access to safe, reliable, and high-quality care delivered by a well-trained child care workforce. It also supports improvements in child care facilities.
Tax Cuts for Families and WorkersâThe expansion of the Child Tax Credit (CTC) enacted in the American Rescue Plan has already benefitted nearly 66 million children, put money in the pockets of millions of hard-working parents and guardians, and is expected to help cut child poverty by more than half. This Plan will not only extend this meaningful tax cut, it will also extend the expanded Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and the expanded Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit. These boosts to families will help them make ends meet and put food on the table, reduce child poverty, and lessen the burden on hard-working Americans so they can provide a better future for Americaâs children.
EducationâWe know that children lead happier, healthier, and more productive lives when they have had access to high-quality education. Thatâs why this Plan makes necessary investments to increase quality education by four years for all students at no cost to hard-working families. The Plan will provide two years of free pre-K and two years of free community college to ensure every student has the tools, resources, and opportunity to succeed in life. It will also invest in our teachers and institutions that serve minority students and provide funding to give school buildings long-overdue infrastructure updates.
Paid LeaveâIt is unacceptable that the richest nation in the world lacks a paid leave program. This Plan will create a national, comprehensive paid family and medical leave program, providing direct support to workers and families. This will bring the American system in line with competitor nations that already offer paid leave programs. This crucial investment will allow workers to take the time they need to bond with a new child, care for their own serious illness, or care for a seriously ill loved one without risking needed income or employment.
Health CareâToo many Americans are forced to choose between medical care and putting food on the table or affording other necessities. The Plan expands access to quality, affordable health care by strengthening the Medicare, Medicaid, and Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace programs that millions of Americans already rely on. It includes a major new expansion of Medicare benefits, adding a dental, hearing, and vision benefit to the program for the very first time. It strengthens the ACA by extending the enhanced Marketplace subsidies that were included in the American Rescue Plan. It also provides an affordable coverage option for the more than two million Americans living in states that have not expanded Medicaid under the ACA and do not earn enough to qualify for Marketplace subsidies. Finally, the Planâs investment in home- and community-based services will increase access to critical services and create new and better-paying jobs for care providers.
Tackling the Climate CrisisâThe latest comprehensive scientific report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) makes clear that immediate, rapid, and large-scale efforts are needed to keep the climate crisis from escalating to truly catastrophic levels. The Plan empowers comprehensive action to build an equitable clean energy economy with historic investments to transform and modernize the electricity sector, lower energy costs for Americans, improve air quality and public health, create good-paying jobs, and strengthen U.S. competitiveness â all while putting our country on the pathway to 100 percent carbon-free electricity by 2035. It achieves this by extending and expanding clean energy tax credits and supporting clean electricity performance payments so utilities can accelerate progress toward a clean electric grid at no added cost to consumers. It invests in clean energy, efficiency, electrification, and climate justice through grants, consumer rebates, and federal procurement of clean power and sustainable materials, and by incentivizing private sector development and investment. The Plan will also drive economic opportunities, environmental conservation, and climate resilience â especially in underserved and disadvantaged communities â including through a new Civilian Climate Corps.
Affordable HousingâHaving a stable, secure, sanitary, and safe place to call home is the bedrock of success. This Plan ensures Americans have access to safe and affordable housing by providing resources to increase housing vouchers and funding for tribal housing. It also supports investments in programs that will help address our nationâs housing crisis by increasing the supply of affordable homes for those in need and investing in historically underserved communities and those that have been previously left behind.
Research, Development, and Innovation InfrastructureâStrides in science, technology, and manufacturing are creating the industries and jobs of the future, and we must ensure that they are created here. The Plan will invest in Americaâs ingenuity and competitiveness by revitalizing state-of-the-art laboratory facilities and research across the nation, including at historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) and other minority-serving institutions (MSIs), through new regional innovation hubs, and through federal science agencies. It will reinvigorateS. manufacturing by supporting supply chain resilience and modernization, Manufacturing USA institutes, the Manufacturing Extension Partnership, and facilities and research at the National Institute of Standards and Technology. These investments will strengthen Americaâs competitiveness in the global economy.
ImmigrationâAside from being the moral thing to do, providing a pathway to lawful permanent resident (LPR) status for Dreamers, recipients of Temporary Protected Status (TPS), farmworkers, and essential workers will be a boon for our economy. This Plan allows for investments to provide a pathway to LPR status for these immigrant communities.
The Build Back Better Plan makes once-in-a-generation and transformative investments in our nationâs future to create millions of good jobs and inclusive economic growth over the long run. Major new investments in our children and our families â as well as the continuation of the American Rescue Planâs historic reductions in child poverty â will improve Americansâ quality of life now, increase future opportunities for all, strengthen our economic outlook, and ensure American competitiveness and prosperity for generations to come. To help pay for the investments, the Plan calls for reforming the tax code to ensure mega-corporations and the wealthiest Americans pay their fair share. These reforms will make sure the wealthy play by the same rules as everyone else and ensure that high-income Americans pay the tax they owe under the law. No one making $400,000 per year or less will see their taxes go up. Instead, hard-working Americans and families will benefit from much-deserved tax cuts â such as the extension of the expanded Child Tax Credit and other tax credits for families and workers enacted in the American Rescue Plan Act. The Plan also achieves savings from following through on President Bidenâs call to give Medicare the power to negotiate lower prescription drug prices, saving money for patients as well as the federal government.
The 2022 budget resolution gives Congress the option of using a budget reconciliation measure to improve the lives of the American people and make the investments our nation desperately needs. The reconciliation process allows legislation for the Build Back Better Plan to pass with a simple majority in the Senate. Without the reconciliation directives in this resolution, the bold action outlined in the Plan could languish indefinitely in the Senate, putting our economy, the well-being of millions of Americans, and our nationâs future at risk. The House will take the lead on moving the reconciliation bill forward because the Build Back Better Plan includes measures to ensure that the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, and all bills addressing taxes must originate in the House.
The budget resolutionâs reconciliation framework reflects the net investment of the Plan as allocated among 13 House committees. The reconciliation instructions deliberately give the Ways and Means Committee, the chief tax writing committee in the House, the flexibility it needs to craft fair and comprehensive legislation. The resolution instructs these committees to report legislation consistent with these budgetary targets to the Budget Committee by September 15, 2021. The Budget Committee will combine the legislation â without substantive revision â and prepare it for floor consideration. In addition to these reconciliation instructions, the resolution also provides for budget enforcement in 2022 and includes other technical language necessary to carry out the terms of the resolution and reconciliation.
WASHINGTON â Today, the Federation of American Hospitals (FAH) sent a letter to Democratic leaders of the House and Senate outlining priorities for their upcoming budget reconciliation package.
In the letter, which was addressed to Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, FAH President and CEO Chip Kahn wrote, âI am taking an opportunity to provide recommendations on the health care issues pertinent to your development of the budget reconciliation initiative. We are particularly gratified by early indications that you will focus on further improving and expanding health coverage for millions of Americans through the Affordable Care Act (ACA), and providing additional benefits for seniors under Medicare.â
Specific proposals highlighted in the letter include:
You can find the complete letter here.
Today, the Federation of American Hospitals (FAH) sent a letter to Democratic leaders of the House and Senate outlining priorities for their upcoming budget reconciliation package.
Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, stay-at-home measures, potential risk of COVID infection at a hospital or doctorsâ offices, and concerns over hospital capacity led to sharp declines in health care utilization and spending, including drops in hospital admissions for both acute and elective procedures. There was also a drop in preventive service use. Spending decreased across all health services. While telemedicine use increased rapidly during the pandemic, it did not offset the decrease in in-person care.
Many have wondered whether health care utilization will rebound or even increase to make up for the delayed or forgone care from the past year. If so, this pent-up demand has the potential to increase health spending now or in the coming year.
This brief updates Epic Health Research Network (EHRN) and KFF analysis of data for nearly 10 million admissions in the Epic health record system. Data come from Cosmos, a HIPAA Limited Data Set from Epic customers, which include 250 hospitals across 47 states and 112 million patients. We also used Bureau of Economic Analysis data to look at trends in health services spending. We find that hospital admissions remain below expected levels through early April 2021. Similarly, health spending overall (for hospitals and ambulatory care) remains below expected levels through at least June 2021. Thus far into the pandemic, we have not seen an increase in hospital admissions due to pent-up demand for forgone care in the last year.
The Epic Health Research Network (EHRN) data show hospital admissions remaining below expected levels through at least April 9, 2021. In the week beginning on April 3, 2021, hospital admissions were 85.5% of what would be expected based on historic patterns. Averaged over the first quarter of 2021, hospital admission rates were 89.4% of what would have been expected in the absence of the pandemic.
Though vaccinations significantly reduced the rates of hospitalizations for COVID-19 in early April 2021 from peak COVID hospitalizations in January 2021, the pandemic is still driving a significant share of hospital admissions. If we remove patients with a COVID-19 diagnosis, we see that all other admissions are 80.7% of expected levels based on pre-pandemic usage in the week of April 3, 2021.
The hospital admissions data in this analysis are only through April 9, 2021. In recent weeks, COVID-19 hospitalizations have begun to trend upward again in part due to the Delta variant. There remains uncertainty about how any future waves of COVID-19 cases might affect hospital utilization more generally.
Reflecting lower utilization levels, health spending more broadly also remains below pre-pandemic levels. One source for health spending trends is the personal consumption expenditure (PCE) data published monthly from the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA). PCE measures the total money spent on health services. Consistent with EHRN, PCE data show spending on health services (hospitals and ambulatory care) remains 7.1% below expected health spending in June 2021 on an annualized seasonally adjusted basis. Spending on hospitals is 4.1% below expected health spending in June 2021. Since January 2021, annualized overall health services and hospital expenditures are growing at a similar rate as prior to the pandemic in 2017-2020.
While lower levels of utilization have reduced spending, hospitals and other health care providers have qualified for various types of federal assistance during the coronavirus pandemic. Most notably, hospitals and other health care providers received grants from the $178 billion provider relief fund that is being distributed by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). Thus, hospitals and providers may be temporarily sustained with the federal assistance. In the long-run once federal assistance dries up, depressed utilization could affect the finances of hospitals and other providers.
Health insurers, in contrast, may be benefiting financially from this decline in hospital admissions and certain other medical services since the start of the pandemic. KFF analysis found that in 2020 average gross margins for health insurers had remained relatively high compared to 2019 and 2018 across the individual market, group market, Medicare Advantage and Medicaid Managed Care markets. In the fully-insured commercial market, the Affordable Care Act requires insurers to return some excess profits to enrollees in the form of rebates.
Following an unprecedented decrease in the number of hospital admissions last year, utilization remains below expected levels. The persistence of lower-than-expected utilization suggests some of the care that did not occur early in the COVID-19 pandemic was foregone rather than simply delayed.
Several factors may be contributing to the lower-than-expected number of hospital admissions in early 2021. For example, the economic effects of the pandemic may depress the number of people seeking services. As has been seen in past economic downturns, some people may be forgoing care due to cost reasons.
Suppressed health care use may not be driven only by demand. A more limited supply of health care workers may also lead to continued delays in the availability of care. Health sector employment declined somewhat in the pandemic, and even as health employment rebounds, it may take time for appointment slots to fully reopen.
Even after the pandemic ends, the effects of this delayed and forgone care are yet to be seen. Some of the care that was missed earlier in the pandemic may have been for acute conditions that resolved on their own or chronic conditions that were managed with less service intensity than would have otherwise been delivered. But in other cases, care that was missed may have led to worsened outcomes or even premature death. Looking ahead, peopleâs experiences with the health care system during the pandemic and increase in telemedicine and alternative ways of delivering care may alter how people use care.
The analysis is based on EHRN and KFF analysis of the Epic Cosmos Limited Data Set, which includes data for more than 112 million patients from 250 hospitals across 47 states. Contributing organizations were included if they had data through January 1, 2017. Organizations were then excluded if they had go-lives or mergers during the study time period, had multiple weeks of missing data, or showed discrepancies.
Overall, 9.6 million admissions are included in this sample. Expected admissions are based on the historic utilization in the pre-pandemic era. A generalized additive model was trained on weekly admissions data from January 1, 2017 to January 25, 2020 and to generate weekly predicted admissions from January 26, 2020 to April 9, 2021.
Admissions were grouped by week of discharge. COVID-19 admissions are defined as admissions with either a documented COVID-19 diagnosis (U07.01) or other respiratory diagnosis involving a patient who tested positive for COVID-19 or received a COVID-19 diagnosis within 14 days of admission.
The Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) data through June 2021 published on July 30, 2021 were used. We used spending data for health services, which does not include spending on pharmaceutical and other medical products. The BEA monthly figures are estimates and are later adjusted using the Quarterly Services Survey. Therefore, there may be some lag in actual spending and monthly BEA estimates of health spending.
Kieran and Jackie are with the Epic Health Research Network (EHRN). Krutika, Matthew, and Cynthia are with KFF.
Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, stay-at-home measures, potential risk of COVID infection at a hospital or doctorsâ offices, and concerns over hospital capacity led to sharp declines in health care utilization and spending, including drops in hospital admissions for both acute and elective procedures. There was also a drop in preventive service use. Spending decreased across all health services. While telemedicine use increased rapidly during the pandemic, it did not offset the decrease in in-person care.
The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act is having a moment in the spotlight, but the federal health-care privacy law is in many cases being mischaracterized or misused.
The 1996 law went viral on social media after politicians and pro-athletes, including Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Dallas Cowboys quarterback Dak Prescott, inaccurately cited it as they declined to answer questions about whether theyâve been vaccinated against Covid-19. Nebraska is now pointing to HIPAA as a reason the stateâs health department can only release limited data on Covid-19, despite safe harbors in the law.
Attorneys and health scholars worry confusion over whatâs actually prohibited can in some cases hurt efforts to control the spread of the virus.
âAny type of misinformation, any misuse of what different laws exist is a problem,â said Tara Ragone, an assistant professor in the Center for Health & Pharmaceutical Law & Policy at Seton Hall Universityâs School of Law.
âDo individuals have the right on their own to withhold that information? They certainly have a strong privacy right themselves,â Ragone said. âItâs a question of now balancing that with the public health requirements of what do we need to know as a nation to confront this pandemic.â
People have a right to privacy and can refuse to answer a reporterâs questions about their vaccination status, but HIPAA doesnât prevent them from doing so.
âYouâre free to share your own information,â said Shannon Hartsfield, a partner at Holland & Knight, whoâs based in Tallahassee, Fla. and works exclusively in health law. âHIPAA does not stand in the way of your own personal freedoms.â
The law only prevents health-care providers and health insurance companies that transmit health information electronically from releasing a patientâs personal health information without their consent. HIPAA also applies to health-care clearinghouses, which work within the health-care reimbursement system like a billing service, as well as business associates, who work on behalf of a provider, insurer, or clearinghouse and are involved with the use or disclosure of an individualâs identifiable health information.
Somehow over the years, HIPAA has wrongly morphed into a generic term for health privacy.
âItâs just sort of a generic term people are throwing around and it doesnât really mean what they think it means,â Hartsfield said.
HIPAA doesnât apply to employers, most schools and school districts, colleges, or private businesses outside of the heath-care context. There may be other laws that limit what health information theyâre allowed to request. Some states have passed prohibitions on vaccine passports to prevent private businesses or state and local governments from requiring proof of vaccination in exchange for services.
One health law scholar said HIPAA is being used in some instances as a shield to withhold more meaningful information about Covid-19 and its spread.
Nebraska started limiting the Covid-19 data it was releasing after Gov. Pete Ricketts (R) ended the state of emergency June 30. The stateâs Department of Health and Human Services says itâs restricted by HIPAA from releasing certain data.
Updates are now weekly instead of daily and include basic numbers on testing, vaccinations, variants, and breakthrough cases. The state is no longer releasing county-by-county data on infection rates or Covid-related deaths. Daily numbers on hospital beds, respirators, or overall staffed beds are also no longer available.
âState and Federal law restricts the release of COVID-related data depending on the source from which it was collected, and whether or not the identity of the individuals involved can be ascertained,â the website says. âThe Nebraska Department of Health and Human Services is a covered entity subject to federal restrictions under HIPAA.â
But HIPAA doesnât apply if 18 specific identifiers are removed, including names, ages, and phone numbers, or a qualified statistician determines thereâs very small risk the information could be used to identify an individual.
âIt just feels like itâs intentionally vague,â Kelly Dineen, director of the health law program at Creighton University School of Law, said about Nebraskaâs Covid-19 data.
She noted the stateâs health department in April released a Statistical Report on Abortions in 2020 that gives numbers by county and age. âItâs funny they can find a way to report data down to the county and age for something like abortions,â but not Covid-19, she said.
Before the public health emergency ended, Dineen said, the state had been reporting Covid-19 information in a meaningful way, where the public could see statistics on testing and just how sharply case counts are rising. Without that data, she said itâs hard for people to assess their level of risk.
âNebraska is one of those places where masking is hotly contested, but even if you wanted to follow the CDCâs recommendation, itâs really hard to know if youâre sitting in a place where the transmission is significant,â she said.
A group of 11 state senators led by Machaela Cavanaugh (D) sent a letter to the governor Aug. 11 asking him to reinstate the Nebraskaâs Covid-19 dashboard with daily updates from all 93 counties âto enable all Nebraskans to make informed decisions with the most up-to-date information.â
âBasic numbers shared on a weekly basis is not enough,â they said.
There are exceptions baked into HIPAA that allow entities covered by the law to disclose protected health information to prevent or control disease. They may also disclose protected health information to prevent or lessen a serious and imminent threat to public health or safety, as long as theyâre only disclosing the minimum data necessary and the disclosure is to someone reasonably able to prevent or lessen the threat.
Attorneys and health law experts disagree on whether the public would qualify as the âsomeone reasonably able to prevent or lessen the threat.â
In a statement, Nebraskaâs health department said while there are certain provisions that permit minimally necessary releases under special situations, in general the agency must abide by the law when it releases Covid-19 information.
The department went on to cite a steady decline in daily viewership as another reason for removing the daily Covid-19 dashboard.
âWith the state of emergency ending and Nebraskaâs return to normal, combined with the steady decline in public interest in the dashboard, there was no immediate need to continue updating this information,â the agency wrote.
Delta is now the dominant strain of coronavirus circulating in the U.S. Because itâs more infectious and contagious than the other variants, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reinstated its recommendation that people wear masks indoors in areas where cases are high even if theyâre fully vaccinated.
Thatâs why heath law experts say the public needs reliable data about cases.
âWhat people really need to know to protect themselves is, what are the cases in their area? Is there a surge?â said Tara Sklar, a professor of health law at the University of Arizona College of Law.
âThereâs no reason for a public health authority to not disclose that aggregated de-identified information. Itâs not giving out anybodyâs Social Security number, name, or phone number. Thereâs no way in revealing that information you can say, âI know Tara Sklar is Covid-positive as of this date.ââ
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) on Sunday floated a procedural move on the bipartisan infrastructure bill, but the idea did not satisfy a group of moderates who are pushing for a quick vote on passage of the measure.
The House is returning to Washington next week in order to pass the Senate-approved $3.5 trillion budget resolution that will pave the way for a social spending bill that can pass with only Democratic votes.
Some moderate Democrats are seeking an immediate vote on the bipartisan infrastructure bill that the Senate passed earlier this month and have threatened to vote against the budget resolution unless the House first votes on the infrastructure bill. But Pelosi and progressive lawmakers do not want the House to pass the infrastructure bill until the Senate also passes a social spending bill.
In an effort to take moderatesâ priorities into account, Pelosi said in a letter to colleagues Sunday that she has asked the House Rules Committee to âexplore the possibility of a rule that advances both the budget resolution and the bipartisan infrastructure package.â
âThis will put us on a path to advance the infrastructure bill and the reconciliation bill,â she wrote.
Nine moderate House Democrats said in a statement following Pelosiâs letter that a procedural vote is not enough and that the House needs to vote on the infrastructure bill prior to voting on the budget resolution.
âWhile we appreciate the forward procedural movement on the bipartisan infrastructure agreement, our view remains consistent: We should vote first on the Bipartisan Infrastructure Framework without delay and then move to immediate consideration of the budget resolution,â they said.
The statement came from Democratic Reps. Josh Gottheimer (N.J.), Filemon Vela (Texas), Henry Cuellar (Texas), Ed Case (Hawaii), Kurt Schrader (Ore.), Carolyn Bourdeaux (Ga.), Jared Golden (Maine), Vicente Gonzalez (Texas), and Jim Costa (Calif.).
Balancing the differing priorities of moderates and progressives is a major challenge for Pelosi as she seeks to pass the infrastructure bill and a social spending bill â both of which further President Bidenâs economic agenda. Democrats have a very narrow majority in the House.
The Medicare agency is giving hospitals time to adjust to its price transparency rule, so far refraining from penalizing providers despite recently proposing to increase sanctions for those that donât comply.
Hospitals have been apprehensive since the Trump administration announced they would be required to disclose standard charges for items and services in a final rule (RIN 0938âAU22) published in November 2019.
The vast majority of hospitalsâ94.4%âhavenât met one or more of the requirements since the rule took effect Jan. 1, 2021, according to a recent sample of 500 hospital websites conducted by Patient Rights Advocate. Right now many hospitals are getting warning letters if they donât comply.
Rather than rescinding or modifying the Trump-era rule, the Biden administration has also proposed tougher sanctions. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services suggested increasing the penalty for noncompliant hospitals in a July proposed rule (RIN 0938-AU43) regulating outpatient payment rates for acute care hospitals.
Hospitals can currently be fined up to $300 a day. If the proposal is finalized, the penalty would increase to at least $300 a day for smaller hospitals and $10 a bed a day for larger hospitals, but no more than $5,500 a day.
âPrice transparency leads to lower and more uniform prices,â CMS Medical Officer Terri Postma said at a recent webinar. âFalling prices may, in turn, expand consumersâ access to health care.â The agencyâs crackdown on anticompetitive practices feeds into the Biden administrationâs larger goal of closing the equity gap in care.
The price disclosure requirements has put hospitals in a tough position, which many groups have been vocal about. Hospitals that publish their prices as-is could dissuade consumers from seeking care if they canât afford the typical fee for treatment. Those that lower their prices as a result of being asked to publish them could hurt their revenue streams. Not complying with the rule opens hospitals up to monetary penalties that could get steeper.
The result is burdening âa workforce already under immense pressure,â as the Covid-19 pandemic rages on, Americaâs Essential Hospitals President and CEO Bruce Siegel said in a statement after the increased penalty was proposed.
When hospitals are found noncompliant through an audit of their website, the CMS may provide them a written warning of their violations or request an action plan for correction, Postma said.
The CMS began sending warning letters to hospitals in April and had sent roughly 165 of them as of mid-July, according to a CMS spokesperson.
The âCMS intends to continue its monitoring and enforcement activities and will issue additional warning letters on a monthly basis going forward, as necessary,â the spokesperson said in an email.
Hospitals have 90 days to address their violations before the CMS determines âwhether additional compliance actions need to be taken,â Postma said.
âWe are simply showing hospitals through stiffer penalties: concealing the costs of services and procedures will not be tolerated by this Administration,â HHS Secretary Xavier Becerra said in a statement the day the proposed rule was released.
The CMS spokesperson confirmed that the agency has not yet issued any fines to hospitals.
The Trump-era price disclosure requirements sparked legal action from major hospital groups when they were published, led by the American Hospital Association. The groups claimed the CMS overstepped its authority, but the final rule survived a lawsuit and an appeal in 2020, forcing hospitals to be more upfront about what they charge patients.
The groups are even more upset by the Biden administrationâs latest move.
âWe are deeply concerned about the proposed increase in penalties for non-compliance,â Stacey Hughes, executive vice president of AHA, said in a statement when the proposed rule was released.
The policy is moving in the âwrong direction,â Siegel said.
To contact the reporter on this story: Allie Reed in Washington at areed@bloombergindustry.com
To contact the editors responsible for this story: Fawn Johnson at fjohnson@bloombergindustry.com; Karl Hardy at khardy@bloomberglaw.com
Most U.S. hospitals are not complying with federal regulations requiring medical centers to post their prices online for patients to review, according to a new report by patient advocates.
The report, which surveyed the websites of 500 of the roughly 6,000 hospitals subject to the rule, found that 471 of the hospitals did not fully post the prices they charge patients and the rates they have negotiated with insurers. The federal price transparency rules took effect Jan. 1.
Hospitalsâ failure to post prices is complicating patientsâ ability to shop for care, said Cynthia Fisher, the founder of Patient Rights Advocate, which conducted the report and submitted a copy to the White House on Thursday. The nonprofit group said it believes its survey of transparency measures is representative of hospitals overall.
âRight now, we see these hospitals being anti-competitive and not posting their prices, including the prices that theyâve negotiated with insurers,â Fisher said. âWeâve seen wide price variation within the same hospital for the same services.â
The report comes one week after President Biden instructed his health department to enforce the hospital price transparency rules, which were crafted by the Trump administration. Hospitals that do not comply can face a penalty of up to $300 a day, which advocates say is insufficient to compel the industry â which has spent years fighting price transparency efforts and sued to block the rules â to post prices that hospitals have negotiated with insurance companies.
âWe think that President Biden can continue to hold them accountable by enforcing stricter, higher and more meaningful penalties,â Fisher said.
The report faulted a number of hospitals in the D.C. region for not complying with all or part of the federal regulations.
For instance, the report said MedStar Georgetown University Hospital, MedStar National Rehabilitation Hospital and MedStar Washington Hospital Center did not comply with a requirement to post the cash prices that patients would pay. The hospitalsâ price transparency disclosure forms instead say MedStar âdoes not have a standard cash price. The amount is determined based on patient-specific circumstances.â
MedStar spokesman Brendan McNamara said the system could not comment on the reportâs findings until after a review.
âMedStar Health is committed to enhancing price transparency and is meeting federal requirements at all of our hospitals,â McNamara said.
BridgePoint Healthcare â a privately run system with facilities on Capitol Hill and near National Harbor â publicly posted what is known as a âcharge master,â a technical list of items that are billed to insurers. But it did not post the more comprehensive list of prices for patients to navigate, Patient Rights Advocate said.
BridgePoint did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Elected officials have pushed for greater health-care price transparency, although experts have cautioned that the policyâs effects may be limited.
In a December 2020 survey, the Kaiser Family Foundation found that 96 percent of Democrats and 91 percent of Republicans supported âmaking information about the price of doctorsâ visits, tests, and procedures more available to patients.â But a follow-up Kaiser Family Foundation poll in May found that just 9 percent of adults were aware hospitals were required to post the information online, and only 14 percent said they or a family member had gone online to research the cost of hospital care in the past six months.
This is a very popular policy position, but itâs not something a lot of people at the moment are taking advantage of â or even know about,â said Mollyann Brodie, a Kaiser Family Foundation executive vice president who oversees the organizationâs polling.
Some former Trump officials and advisers praised Bidenâs call last week to enforce the price transparency rules.
âI couldnât be more pleasedâ with Bidenâs move, said economist and Trump adviser Arthur Laffer, appearing on a Fox Business show hosted by Larry Kudlow, who led the National Economic Council during the Trump administration.
âWhen the Dems do something good, we praise them,â Kudlow responded.
Brian Blase, a policy consultant who served as a special assistant to Trump and helped craft the last administrationâs price transparency rules, credited the âpositive signsâ from the Biden administration but said the White House needed to demonstrate that it would actually impose the rules.
âItâs hard to know whether they are going to devote resources toward successful implementation or just talk about how they support transparency but not make it a priority,â Blase said.
Most U.S. hospitals are not complying with federal regulations requiring medical centers to post their prices online for patients to review, according to a new report by patient advocates.
The number of people dying with Covid-19 in U.S. hospitals is hitting previous highs in some hot-spot states with low-to-average vaccination rates, upending hopes the virus has become less lethal.
In Florida, an average of about 203 people a day are dying in the hospital with confirmed or suspected Covid, matching the stateâs November peak, according to U.S. Department of Health and Human Services data. Thatâs a daily average of about 9 per million residents, the data show.
Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri have also seen deaths among patients with Covid soar in the past two weeks.
Officials had hoped that targeted vaccination campaigns would dramatically reduce the number of fatalities associated with Covid. Hospital administrators say the vast majority of Covid patients havenât been vaccinated.
The delta variant has proven alarmingly efficient at both sending younger and less-vaccinated populations to the hospital and finding the relatively small slivers of the vulnerable senior populations that havenât been inoculated.
Seven-day average cases in Arkansas and Missouri signal that those waves are starting to reverse. Other leading indicators — including the effective reproduction number, which gauges the average number of people infected by one person with Covid — show that Florida and Louisiana may not be far behind. But hospitalizations and deaths lag infections, meaning health-care systems are likely to see continued pressure in the coming weeks.
Over the course of the pandemic, about 69% of deaths have occurred among U.S. hospital inpatients or otherwise in a hospital setting. The proportion of hospital deaths has risen slightly in recent months.
In Florida, the deaths are occurring as about 60% of the broad population and more than 93% of seniors have had at least one jab.
As recently as this month, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis said the delta wave appeared to be 70% to 75% less deadly than previous peaks. That gap — if it still exists — has shrunk substantially.
Florida publishes a weekly Covid report on Fridays. The latest one showed that cumulative official deaths had climbed by 1,071 in the previous period, a daily average of 153. But the data have a significant lag and reflect many deaths that occurred weeks ago or longer. Daily Florida updates from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are highly incomplete for the most recent days of deaths.
The HHS data provide a snapshot of fatalities among Covid patients. Reporting was limited before late July 2020. The figures are different from official Covid death counts, in which death certificates are reviewed. While the patients had confirmed or suspected Covid when they died in the hospital, itâs possible that some of the deaths werenât caused by Covid.
WASHINGTON â Nine moderate House Democrats told Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Friday that they will not vote for a budget resolution meant to pave the way for the passage of a $3.5 trillion social policy package later this year until a Senate-approved infrastructure bill passes the House and is signed into law.
The pledge, in a letter released early Friday, is a major rift that threatens the carefully choreographed, two-track effort by congressional Democrats and the Biden administration to enact both a trillion-dollar, bipartisan infrastructure deal and an even more ambitious â but partisan â social policy measure. The nine House members are more than enough to block consideration of the budget blueprint in a House where Democrats hold a three-seat majority.
The Senate passed the infrastructure bill on Tuesday with 69 votes, including 19 Republicans. It then approved, on a party-line vote early Wednesday, a $3.5 trillion budget resolution that, if passed by the House, would allow Democrats in both chambers to assemble the social policy bill this fall without fear of a Republican filibuster in the Senate.
If they stick to their position, Democratic leaders and President Biden face their first major test in the process. More than half of the nearly 100-strong Congressional Progressive Caucus has taken the opposite position, saying they will not vote for the infrastructure bill until they have a social policy measure funding their priorities: climate change, education, health care, family leave, child care and elder care.
Ms. Pelosi has called the House back early from its summer recess to consider the budget resolution the week of Aug. 23. To assuage the progressives, Ms. Pelosi promised that she would not bring the infrastructure bill to a vote in the House until the Senate passed the social policy bill. The liberal progressives fear that once the infrastructure bill is signed, moderate Democrats in the House and Senate will withdraw their support for the far-reaching social policy measure.
But that social policy bill might not pass until well into the fall, if ever, given the 50-to-50 partisan split in the Senate. And moderate House Democrats say delaying a vote on infrastructure runs the risk of unforeseen events derailing it.
âWith the livelihoods of hardworking American families at stake, we simply canât afford months of unnecessary delays and risk squandering this one-in-a-century, bipartisan infrastructure package,â reads the letter, which has Representative Josh Gottheimer, Democrat of New Jersey, as the first signer. âItâs time to get shovels in the ground and people to work.â
With the promised defections from the Progressive Caucus, it would appear that Ms. Pelosi faces a stalemate, lacking the votes to either deliver the infrastructure bill to the president âs desk or advance the budget resolution needed to protect the final legislation from Republican obstruction.
On Friday, Ms. Pelosi was sticking to her position that the âhard infrastructureâ legislation, which funds roads, bridges, tunnels, rail, transit and broadband, must be packaged with the social policy bill, or what Democrats are calling âsoft infrastructureâ â social welfare and climate change projects, financed by significant tax increases on wealthy individuals and corporations.
Senior leadership aides framed it as a numbers game: scores of Democrats say they will not vote for one without the other, versus the nine on record that want action now on infrastructure.
But one side will have to blink.
Until now, most congressional Democrats had been optimistic that both measures could find enough support.
âThis is President Bidenâs agenda, this is the Democratsâ agenda, this is what we ran on and we need to deliver,â Representative Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, a leader in the Progressive Caucus, said of the social policy bill. âIt is important for us not to miss the mark, and I donât see a conflict.â
But her moderate colleagues do. âWe will not consider voting for a budget resolution until the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act passes the House and is signed into law,â they wrote.
That sentiment may go beyond the nine. Other more moderate Democrats, who declined to sign, have also said they very much want an immediate vote on the infrastructure bill.
âThis is a once-in-a-generation infrastructure bill, and I think we should strike while the iron is hot,â Representative Elissa Slotkin, Democrat of Michigan, said. âWe should bring it to the House and vote on it as soon as possible.â
The draft letter was signed by Mr. Gottheimer and Representatives Filemon Vela of Texas, Henry Cuellar of Texas, Ed Case of Hawaii, Kurt Schrader of Oregon, Carolyn Bourdeaux of Georgia, Jared Golden of Maine, Vicente Gonzalez of Texas and Jim Costa of California.
Virtually all of them come from swing districts or areas of the country that shifted toward former President Donald J. Trump. Mr. Gottheimer in 2018 won a seat that had been long occupied by Republicans. Mr. Golden, from conservative northern Maine, has often bolted from the Democratic position.
Ms. Bourdeaux, from suburban and exurban Atlanta, was the only Democrat in 2020 to win a Republican district. As Georgiaâs Republican state legislature and governor begin redrawing district lines, she will be one of the most vulnerable Democrats in 2022.
Three of the nine are Latinos from Texas, which saw a marked shift in Hispanic voting toward Mr. Trump.
The nine could be running a big political risk by putting their names on paper. As one leadership aide put it, the legislative offer is a package deal, not an Ă la carte menu, and they will face enormous pressure over the next two weeks to fold.
âThis is now up to Democrats,â said Representative Tom Malinowski, Democrat of New Jersey, who toured infrastructure projects with Mr. Gottheimer and Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg as the administration was pressuring lawmakers to move forward. âWe have a large and diverse Democratic caucus, and the important thing is to pass all of this with substantial Democratic support.â
He added, âThe one thing we know for sure as Democrats is, the responsibility is on our shoulders.â
Click Here to see the story as it appeared on the New York Times website.
The letter from nine Democrats, enough to block passage, threatens their partyâs two-track plan to pass both a $3.5 trillion social policy budget blueprint and an infrastructure bill.
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